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Singer
& Friedlander
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In recent years England has become a major employment destination for some of the world's best soccer talent, with the English soccer workforce now having a distinctly international look about it. The number of imported players has increased considerably as has their range of nationalities and backgrounds. Although the costs and benefits of this 'foreign invasion' into the English game are a matter of considerable debate, the enthusiasm for the foreign player appears to have become a key feature of recruitment strategies. It is also becoming more widespread and is not just the preserve of the Premier League clubs.
Many factors are behind the coming of the 'foreign legions' into England. Some relate to changes in English soccer, whilst others are of wider origin. The prices of players in the domestic market place have risen considerably. Television money has increased the spending power of English clubs. The Bosman ruling and its consequences have given greater freedom to players in the European Union. More players have looked for a full time professional career denied to them by the economic situation of soccer in their homelands. New talent pipelines have emerged or opened up, such as Africa and Eastern Europe.
This list of factors could be expanded and developed much further but the objective of this article is to illustrate how the development of particular routes into English soccer can be mapped out and to provide insights into some of the key characteristics of the foreign labour force that has arrived in England. The dimension to be pursued in this context is the significant involvement of players from the Nordic/Scandinavian countries i.e. Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway and Sweden in the English game.
The international movement of soccer players does need to be placed in a wider context. A feature of global commercial activity has been the rise of the internationally mobile professional. The world of sport has not been immune to such developments. The incidence and impact of skilled labour migration is a highly important factor in the analysis of modern sport. An increasing number of elite professional, primarily male, athletes from many sports are now selling their labour outside their home countries. Sports affected include both rugby codes, basketball and ice hockey. The importation of overseas cricketers into English county cricket is another particularly long-standing, and much debated example. However, this sports labour migration process is arguably most pronounced in soccer.
English soccer has always been characterised by the inclusion of large numbers of players from other parts of the United Kingdom and from Ireland. Players from other countries have appeared but it has only been in the 1990s that the English game has taken on its present highly cosmopolitan character (see Figure 1). In season 1994-95, excluding other UK and Irish citizens, some 59 players from 22 foreign countries were playing in the Premier League. 40 of these were Europeans from 13 different countries. 2 seasons later, the number of migrants had risen to 109 players from 32 countries with the number of Europeans increasing to 88 players from 20 countries. This level of involvement is out of a total Premier League workforce of approximately 500 players. Significantly, 17 of the 40 European players in 1994-95, i.e. 42.5%, were from Nordic/Scandinavian countries. By 1996-97, the number had increased to 28, though this represented a reduction to 31.8% of all the Europeans in the league. English clubs' recruitment strategies have become more diverse. Nevertheless, the Nordic/Scandinavian players remain the largest block of European imports.
The Premier League data only reveal part of the Nordic/Scandinavian presence in England. Detailed examination of all levels of English professional soccer in the 50 seasons until 1995-96 further highlights the growth in the number of Nordic/Scandinavian players (Figure 2). From the 1946-47 season until the late 1970s, players from the Nordic/Scandinavian countries did appear in England but never exceeded 3 in any one season. The last 15 years have seen a steep climb in the number of imports. In 1989-90 there were 14 players involved and 6 seasons later this total had reached 36. A total of 80 different players came to England in the 50 years between 1946 and 1996 and these were composed of Danes 33%, Finns 8%, Icelanders 8%, Norwegians 32% and Swedes 19% (Figure 3). In 1996-97, the latest season for which full details are available, no less than 52 Nordic/Scandinavian players took part in English league matches. But who are these players and how do they compare with players of other nationalities now in England?
Foreign players' characteristics examined for the season 1996-97 included age, number of seasons in England and other international movement history, international representative experience and transfer fee on entering English soccer. The average age of these players was 26.32 years. The Nordic/Scandinavian players' average was almost the same at 26.37 years. Interestingly, David Pleat of Spurs, has said that "the mid twenties is the right vintage for the imported player". Most of the foreign imports were new to the English game with 65.3% of them being in only their first or second season. This was the case with the Nordic/Scandinavian players. 11 of the 15 Danes were in their first year. Nearly 50% of the Norwegians were in a similar situation as were 70% of the Swedes. Some of the players in England had arrived having had other international soccer migration experience. At least a quarter of the Nordic/Scandinavian players had played outside their home countries prior to coming to England.
What is the calibre of the foreign players? One yardstick is evidence of international representative experience. In 1996-97, 63.6% of all the foreign players in England were full internationals. The equivalent figure for Nordic/Scandinavian players was almost 70%. As many as 15, i.e. 75%, of the Norwegians had played at this level. 9 out of the 15 Danes were similarly qualified. An alternative method of assessing the standards and, indeed, of establishing market trends and nationality differences, is to examine the range of transfer fees paid. For example, the 26 Eastern European and 8 Italian imports into England cost an average of £1,285,385 and £3,980,000 per player respectively. The other end of the transfer scale included players from such countries as Australia and the USA. Some of these had arrived on 'free' transfers. This was the case with 10 out of the 23 Australians. Enquiries with the Nordic/Scandinavian players suggest that they see themselves as relatively inexpensive, a characteristic making them particularly attractive to English clubs. They believe they are looked upon as 'good value', especially when compared with the Eastern Europeans, Italians and South Americans. The 1996-97 data do suggest that Nordic/Scandinavian players do not command the highest level of transfer fees. However, this is not to say that there are no large fees involving Nordic/Scandinavian players or that there are no differences between the 5 nationalities concerned.
In general, the Nordic/Scandinavian players as a group were not untypical of the foreign players as a whole. They tended to be fairly mature in terms of age, if not in terms of English soccer experience. They were high quality players as assessed by international representative qualifications but they commanded only average transfer fees.
Whilst the 'foreign invasion' imagery may be overstating the situation in English soccer, there has indeed been a significant shift in the composition of the workforce. England has become a popular destination. The Nordic/Scandinavian migrant players have been in the forefront of this change and, although they are now having to compete with prospective migrants from many more countries, their numbers continue to rise.
The presence of foreign players in English soccer may grow still further. English clubs are becoming more experienced in seeking out and employing players from abroad. Players' agents are increasingly targeting England to market their clients. Clubs below the Premier League are starting to explore the potential offered by the importation of talent. There are now many more England based role models for foreign players thinking about an international move. However, there is a wide and complex range of supply and demand factors that will structure how the form and extent of the particular transfer routes will develop. Will the soccer authorities in particular countries, such as those in the Nordic/Scandinavian area, take steps to encourage players to stay at home? Will proposed youth development initiatives in England lead to a more productive indigenous talent pipeline? The full implications of the Bosman ruling have yet to be realised. The Bosman case and the freedoms that it has opened up will also focus more attention on the priorities and commitments of the players. Whether English soccer continues to meet the needs of all foreign players and/or those of a particular ability, status and nationality remains to be seen.
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