General phase:1086-1216/1227
From the borough as a non-technical term in Domesday Book (Reynolds) to
the borough as a
distinct and separate entity with constitutional development, through the
accumulation of
privileges.
Some aspects of the charters to Nottingham
Images of the sources
Charter of Henry II (1155-1165)
Charter of John c.1189
Charter of Henry III 1229/30
Charter of Edward I 1283/84
Levels of burghal status
- royal boroughs - directly held by the King through officers appointed by the King
- mediatised boroughs - originally directly held by the King, but alienated in full or in part
by the King - Leicester - part alienated to the earls of Leicester as the earl's third penny
and then completely into the earl's hands - development then depended on relationships
between the lord and the borough
- seignorial or mesne boroughs - held from their origins privately by lords below the King
- these lords issued the charters and negotiated the privileges - where the lord was lay
the borough might achieve greater independence - where the lord was religious the
degree of independence or development might be restricted - the borough might be
recognised as such, but a brake placed on its development and independence - example of
Wells held by the Bishop of Bath and Wells - disputes between Bishop and burgesses:
the King acted as guarantor - where the borough held by a religious house, the
recognition and development of the borough might be severely restricted: Abbey of Bury
St Edmunds kept tight control over Bury St Edmunds preventing corporate development
- Cirencester Abbey refused to recognise burghal status of Cirencester - religious houses
wanted the benefits of burgage tenure and trading privileges without conceding burghal
development - resulted in continuous conflict: Dunstable Priory and the burgesses of
Dunstable; Cirencester Abbey and Cirencester; Abbey of Bury St Edmunds and Bury St
Edmunds, particularly in 1327 and late 14th century.
Constitutional developments in the 12th century:
- commune
- gild merchant
- fiscal separation of the borough
- the portmoot
- granting of liberties in charters - culminating in status of liber burgus and reflected in
affiliation
- Commune - propounded by Tait as a formative influence in the late
12th century - from
the activities of the commune developed the notion of the communitas - the commune as
a sworn association had wrested privileges from lords in France - Tait
considered that the commune was instrumental in three developments in English
boroughs: the election of mayors; regular councils; and the beginnings of incorporation.
Through the 12th century the principal officers of the borough were the King's agents:
bailiffs or reeves, not responsible to the burgesses or elected by them. Tait regarded the
office of mayor as analogous to the maires of the French communes. Tait also regarded
the incipient use of seals - at Gloucester, York, Northampton and Oxford in the late 12th
century as the actions of communes, a nascent form of informal corporate activity. Little
actual evidence of communes as opposed to communal activity: London commune in
1141; London commune and mayor in 1191; Henry II's suppression of communes of
Gloucester and York -- other problems: in some cases the mayor developed out of the
gild merchant as at Leicester -- in the mid 13th century the alderman of the gild merchant
became the mayor; some boroughs, even royal boroughs, had no mayor until very late
(Nottingham 1283/84). In the first extant constitutional arrangement, that for Ipswich in
1200, the principal officers of the burgesses were the two bailiffs -- there was no
mayor - Ipswich didn't have mayors through the middle ages.
- Gild merchant - essentially the gild represented the commercial interest of the borough,
the admission of burgesses to the freedom and the protection and regulation of trading
privileges. Gild merchants were in existence in Burford in the late 11th century
(seignorial charter of 1088x1107) and presumably at Oxford since the charter referred to
that at Oxford. Gilds developed in York and Beverly by the reign of Henry I. In the
early 13th century such gilds were established at Leicester, Lewes, Chichester, Wilton,
Winchester, Lincoln, Wallingford and Southampton. The gild at Leicester was the
recipient of privileges from the earl of Leicester before 1118. Since the portmoot and its
officers were the representatives of the King, the gild became the representative of the
burgesses' wider aspirations, not just their trading privileges. It was an organic
expression of informal constitutional development -- evidence: gild merchant rolls of
Leicester of 1196 and Shrewsbury of 1209 -- expressions of communal burghal
organisation and activity.
- Fiscal separation: important 12th-century process. In 1086, the royal revenues from
boroughs - aids and tolls - were collected by the portreeves, the King's agents in the
boroughs and delivered to the sheriff of the county. The farm of the borough - firma
burgi - was thus just part of the farm of the county - firma comitatus. There is just one
possible exception in DB - Northampton. There were two principal developments in the
process of separation in the 12th century:
recognition that the revenues from the
borough were distinct from those of the county -- the first extant Pipe Roll of 1130
reveals that the farms of some boroughs had become separate from the rest of the county,
but were still accounted for by the sheriff - Winchester, Southampton, Malmesbury,
Dover, Canterbury, Wallingford, Colchester and Northampton; in two other places the
burgesses accounted for their own farm, London and Lincoln - Lincoln may have had its
own farm for a number of years between 1130 and 1157, but the farm reverted to the
sheriff in 1157 - all of these were temporary, not permanent grants - by 1189, five royal
boroughs had their own farm, but not in fee - Lincoln, Cambridge, Northampton,
Shrewsbury, and Bridgnorth - Stephenson would add Colchester as a sixth ;
feefarm
grants in the late 12th century - by Richard and John - that is, grants in perpetuity to the
burgesses to collect their own farms independently of the King's officers and the sheriff
of the county in return for a fixed sum paid to the Exchequer. Infrequent and temporary
grants of feefarm during the 12th century: by 1216 about 24 boroughs had the feefarm
and had become fiscally independent. Grimsby: in 1160-1 the burgesses had the
temporary grant of the revenues for a term of 3 months, but never held them again until
the grant of perpetual feefarm in 1205-6 for 60 marks and 2 palfreys.
- Questions about feefarm: (a) did the grant of feefarm imply that the officers who
traditionally collected it - bailiffs and reeves - were not the community's own officers
rather than the King's and were they now elected by the burgesses? Difference of
perception of Tait and Stephenson: Tait thought they must be; Stephenson believed that
the burgesses could collect the revenues and hand them over.
- Portmoot: the portmoot's role in 12th-century development was indirect - it ultimately
assisted in the development of jurisdictional independence of the borough - the portmoot
was the King's court in the borough held by his reeves - other courts existed in the
borough in the 12th century: private seignorial courts, which resulted from the tenurial
heterogeneity in boroughs in the late 11th century - the King's court gradually excluded
these other courts and unified the borough under a single jurisdiction - when the
burgesses acquired control of the portmoot in the late 12th and early 13th century, it
had
become the exclusive jurisdiction of the borough, separate also from other jurisdictions
such as hundred and county courts - Rigby allows some greater contribution by the
portmoot in Grimsby, where there was no gild merchant. The portmoot also
represented the borough's jurisdictional immunity and independence, separate from
hundred and shire courts - it was extra-hundredal, as the King's court. Burgesses thus
could not be impleaded outside their borough, as reflected in Henry I's charter to the
burgesses of Newcastle. John's charter of 1201 to Grimsby confirmed that the portmoot
should have jurisdiction over all pleas of land, debt and pledges arising in the borough
and that the burgesses should not be answerable to the sheriff - the county court - except
for pleas of the Crown (since Grimsby did not yet have appointment of its own coroners
- compare the Nottingham charter of Henry III).
- Liber burgus was the term introduced in the charters of John
to signify the full panoply
of burghal privileges as they had evolved by the end of the 12th century - Stephenson
believed that the term was simply an 'adornment', merely confirmatory, and Tait
suggested that the concept, if not the term, had been represented in the grant of tenure in
libero burgagio in Henry I's charter to Beverley and Henry II's to Hedon - what seems
important about John's use of liber burgus, however, is the implication of irrevocability
and permanence which earlier charters had not conceded.
- Final comments on agencies for change - burgesses used whatever was at their disposal -
the gild merchant was important in some boroughs, but other agencies used in others -
the gild merchant was not the universal agency of change - for example, the burgesses
had informal communal organisation at Oxford which led in the 1190s to the
development of their privileges, separate, it seems, from their gild merchant, a rather
shadowy organisation - Grimsby did not have a vibrant gild merchant.
- Affiliation - the customs and liberties of some boroughs were transferred
to others -
when Coventry received its charter from Ranulph, earl of Chester, it adopted the customs
of Lincoln - the charter of the Bishop of Norwich to Lynn allowed the burgesses to adopt
the customs of Oxford - Roger de Lacy's charter to Pontefract in 1194 afforded the
burgesses the customs of Grimsby - the customs of Newcastle were transmitted to
Alnwick, Hartlepool, and the Four Burghs in Scotland - Bateson suggested that the
'laws of Breteuil' were transferred to the new boroughs of the Marches and Wales at
Hereford, Shrewsbury, Rhuddlan, Bideford and Haverfordwest.
- Why the artificial break in 1227?: it seems to mark the stage by which
royal boroughs had
achieved their independent communal status and this status was confirmed en masse by
charters of confirmation by Henry III at the end of his minority in 1227.
- Burgage tenure - Beresford and Finberg employ burgage tenure as the lowest limit of
burghality, as a definition of a borough - to put this into perspective: whereas Ballard
and Tait enumerated about 200 places which received charters, B & F add over 400
more places which they define as boroughs principally on the mention of burgage tenure,
although they do take into account other criteria (use of the term burgus, taxation
boroughs, parliamentary boroughs etc). Questions: is a single reference to a burgage
sufficient to define a borough? What about places called boroughs which didn't have
burgage tenure (Castle Donington, Derby - the latter a form of feefarm, the former
customary tenure)? What about places with burgages not reputed to be boroughs
(Atherstone)? There is debate about whether burgage tenure existed as a technical sense
in DB (largely objections raised by Stephenson) - it seems clear that the status of liberum
burgagium conferred by Henry I, as on Beverley, equated with burgage tenure -
characteristics: freedom of alienation; heritable; freedom of devise under will; fixed
money rent (landgable or hawgable) - Bateson pointed to the influence of the laws of
Breteuil with its fixed rent of 12d., but any level of fixed rent might be involved.
Last updated: 23 April 2003 22:43
Dr D.A. Postles
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